The Race Discrimination System Annual Review of Sociology

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Tip of the iceberg: Measuring racial bigotry in studies of health

Adolfo G. Cuevas

ⁱSection of Customs Health, Tufts Academy, Medford, Massachusetts, USA

Courtney Boen

²Department of Sociology, Population Studies Center, & Population Aging Research Middle, The University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA

Abstract

There is compelling evidence that racial bigotry is a risk factor for illness and disease. But what are health scientists measuring–and what do they call back they are measuring–when they include measures of racial discrimination in health research? Nosotros synthesize theoretical conceptualizations of racial discrimination in health research and critically assess whether and how these concepts represent (or not) to widely used measures of racial discrimination. In doing and then, we show that while researchers often utilise terms such as 'self-reported discrimination', 'perceptions of discrimination', and 'exposure to discrimination' interchangeably, these concepts are indeed unique, with each belongings a singled-out epistemological position and theoretical and methodological capacity to uncover the affect of racial discrimination on health and health disparities. Importantly, we argue that usually used measures of self-reported or perceived racial bigotry are merely the 'tip of the iceberg' in terms of revealing the ways in which bigotry shapes health inequities. Scientists and practitioners must exist cognizant of and intentional in their measurement choices and language, as the framing of these processes will inform policy and intervention efforts aimed at eliminating bigotry.

Keywords: Harassment/discrimination, Racial, ethnic and cultural factors in health, Biological mechanisms of stress

Research on the wellness effects on racial discrimination has burgeoned over the last thirty years. A 2015 meta-analysis of nearly 300 studies provided convincing testify of a link between racial discrimination and a range of poor mental and concrete health outcomes, including psychological distress, low, obesity, and hypertension (Y. Paradies et al., 2015). A recent review of 32 systematic and meta-analyses (that together included over 2100 studies) provided similar evidence of a robust association between discrimination and a diversity of wellness outcomes (D. R. Williams et al., 2019). Nonetheless, as this area of research inquiry continues to grow, we as researchers need to ask: What are we measuring–or what do nosotros think we are measuring–when nosotros apply indicators of 'racial discrimination' in health research?

In studies of health, researchers almost oft measure racial discrimination by asking study participants about their experiences with and perceptions of racial bigotry. Researchers and so employ respondents' responses to these questions to capture racial discrimination and assess the links between discrimination and health. Still, while such measures of racial discrimination reflect detail–and important–dimensions of discrimination, these measures do not capture the totality of the effect of racial discrimination on individual and population health. In addition, while studies oftentimes use terms such as 'self-reported bigotry (or experiences of bigotry)', 'perceived discrimination', and 'exposure to bigotry' interchangeably, each of these concepts holds a distinct epistemological position and, in plow, possesses unique theoretical and methodological capacity to uncover the impact of racial bigotry on health and health disparities.

This commentary aims to provide theoretical and epistemological clarity to the conceptualization and measurement of racial discrimination in health research. In doing so, nosotros hold that defining and delimiting normally used measures and terms tin can aid researchers in more effectively measuring, labelling, examining, and redressing racial discrimination and its effects on health. To start, we draw from a vast interdisciplinary body of scholarly work to define racial discrimination, paying attention to theoretical conceptualizations of racial discrimination and hypothesized mechanisms for understanding how discrimination shapes individual health and population-level health disparities. In doing and so, we evidence that researchers oft employ terms such as 'cocky-reported discrimination', 'perceptions of discrimination', and 'exposure to discrimination' interchangeably. In our discussion, however, we debate that these concepts are distinct. Each term holds a unique capacity for theorizing, measuring, and uncovering the role of racial discrimination in shaping private wellness and producing health disparities. Finally, we close by arguing that widely used measures of racial discrimination in wellness enquiry provide a rather express and narrow view of the role of bigotry in producing population-level health disparities that largely mask the totality of ways that racism, as a system of discrimination, works to blueprint population health across domains of social, economic, and political life. Past recognizing and acknowledging the utility and limitations of diverse measures, researchers can amend narrate the dimensions of bigotry that they are studying; provide a better lucifer between their theoretical conceptualizations and empirical operationalizations; and, in plough, refine study and intervention designs. Importantly, this paper does non try to explicate the health sequalae associated with dissimilar forms of racial discrimination, but rather draws attention to how researchers' language and labels tin can better match their theories and measures of racial discrimination in ways that can both better specify the role of racial discrimination in shaping health and inform deportment aimed at reducing racial discrimination and improving health.

one |. DEFINING RACIAL DISCRIMINATION

Discrimination is the differential treatment of individuals on the grounds of group or social category membership (Reskin, 2012; D. R. Williams et al., 2019). In 1971 the Us Supreme Court expanded the definition of discrimination to include seemingly neutral practices that produce differential impacts (Griggs vs. Duke PowerCo., 1971). The focus of this commentary is on racial bigotry, but discrimination can occur and co-occur along and between multiple axes of social stratification, including, but not limited to, pare colour, gender, sexuality, and religious affiliation. Importantly, racial discrimination stems from and serves to reinforce structural racism. As an ideology and system of domination, racism assigns value and rank to socially constructed racial groups and racialized individuals through the development and propagation of race-based beliefs and attitudes and the differential handling of racialized persons by both individuals and institutions (Bonilla-Silva, 1997). Racial discrimination can accept the class of explicit differential treatment based on race that, as a result, limits a racial group or a member of a racialized group from having equal opportunity or admission to appurtenances and resource (Hebl et al., 2002; D. R. Williams & Mohammed, 2009). Racial discrimination can also result from differential handling based on other factors (e.m., socioeconomic status or criminal justice history) that produces differential effects or impacts by race (National Research Council, 2004; Reskin, 2012). A growing trunk of inquiry demonstrates that racial bigotry can also take the class of subtle, ambiguous, or 'lower-intensity' transgressions (e.thou., racist humour or passive aggression) that can produce differential outcomes and further exclude and amerce marginalized and oppressed groups in the workplace and other social contexts (Cortina et al., 2013; Hebl et al., 2002). Every bit Goosby et al. (2018) suggests each of these dimensions of racism are interdependent and simultaneously contribute to wellness inequities.

In that location is hitting testify of racial discrimination across social, political, and economic spheres. Although discrimination is oft framed every bit an private- and interpersonal-level phenomenon, organizations, institutions, and institutional actors play a primal role in maintaining structural racism by explicitly and/or covertly legitimizing the unequal distribution of resources, opportunities, and risks by race through both formal and informal discriminatory policies and practices (Ray, 2019). Audit studies provide some of the nigh widely cited, compelling, and explicit evidence of racial discrimination. For example, the groundbreaking report by the late Devah Pager illustrated that White job applicants with criminal convictions were more likely to receive a callback compared to Black applicants with an otherwise identical resume whose criminal records were clean (Pager et al., 2009). A meta-analysis of audit studies establish no change in the levels of bigotry against African Americans over the by 25 years and only modest reductions in bigotry against Latinos (Quillian et al., 2017). Other inspect studies reveal racial discrimination in purchasing property, renting apartments, obtaining mortgages, and applying for insurance and credit (Pager & Shepherd, 2008). In the clinician'due south office, for example, research finds that physicians are more verbally ascendant and appoint in less patient-centred communication with Blackness patients than with White patients (Shen et al., 2018). Taken together, these studies provide clear and convincing evidence of widespread racial discrimination across institutional, organizational, and social spheres.

2 |. MEASURING RACIAL DISCRIMINATION IN HEALTH Research

A variety of empirical tools exists to measure racial discrimination. In wellness studies, researchers almost often rely on survey respondents to relay information almost racial discrimination (Krieger, 2012). In general, these studies effort to ascertain data almost direct exposure to racial discrimination past asking respondents about discriminatory experiences (Krieger, 2010). Survey reports of discrimination–which reflect events or instances of unfair handling that individuals report experiencing–are typically measured through two domains: major life events and daily hassles. Measures of major discrimination endeavor to capture acute and observable discriminatory experiences that may impede ane's life chances (e.m., being denied a bank loan, having a promotion withheld; Kessler et al., 1999). Measures of everyday discrimination try to capture the chronicity of more than subtle forms of biased and discriminatory interpersonal interactions (D. R. Williams et al., 1997). Unsurprisingly, evidence from survey research shows that people of colour written report higher levels of major and everyday bigotry compared to Whites (Boen, 2020; National Public Radio [NPR] et al., 2018). Compared to White individuals, Black, Latino, and Native American individuals report college levels of bigotry when applying to jobs, in wages and promotions, in interacting with constabulary, and in a dr.'s part or wellness clinic (Findling et al., 2019; NPR et al., 2018). People of color also report higher levels of everyday discrimination than Whites, including being treated with less courtesy than others and receiving poorer service than other people at restaurants or stores (Boen, 2020). A big body of the discrimination and health literature provides compelling evidence that survey reports of discrimination is adversely related to a host of mental and physical wellness outcomes, as well as a multifariousness of health-related behaviours, including health intendance utilization, adherence to handling regimens, and engagement in risky coping behaviours like smoking and overeating (D. R. Williams et al., 2019). A burgeoning expanse of research besides shows that people report experiencing an array of more subtle forms of discrimination–sometimes labelled 'microaggressions'–that increment risks of mental and concrete wellness issues (Ong, 2021; Yard. T. Williams, 2020; Wong et al., 2014). In full general, these studies using survey reports of discrimination typically draw on psychosocial theories of wellness to prove how discrimination functions every bit a salient chronic and acute stressor in individuals' lives that affects health both straight and indirectly through a number of psychological, physiological, emotional, and behavioural pathways (D. R. Williams & Mohammed, 2013).

3 |. LABELLING DISCRIMINATION Every bit 'Cocky-REPORTED' VS. 'PERCEIVED'

Despite using like survey-based measures of racial bigotry in health enquiry, studies vary in their description of what it is they are actually measuring when they include markers of racial discrimination. While the measures derived from survey reports of racial bigotry are largely the aforementioned (e.1000., markers of everyday and major life bigotry), how scholars label and depict these measures varies. A sweeping read of this literature reveals that scholars waver in their employ of the terms 'cocky-reported bigotry', 'perceived discrimination', and 'exposure to discrimination',–sometimes using them interchangeably. In part, the slippage in language reflects the want for studies of racial bigotry and health to capture both social exposures and perceptions that affect disclosure, attribution, and response (Krieger, 2010). Further, given that not all instances of racial bigotry are perceived–or even perceivable–and/or disclosed in survey responses, qualifying discrimination as 'perceived' or 'cocky-reported' can be useful or necessary. However, we want to emphasize that these constructs–'cocky-reported discrimination', 'perceived discrimination', and 'exposure to bigotry'–are non equivalent. Each carries a unique ready of assumptions, limitations, and, perhaps unsurprisingly, critics.

Researchers sometimes cull to label responses to survey measures of bigotry–including the widely used major life and everyday discrimination measures–'perceived bigotry'. However, others argue against the apply of 'perceived' discrimination in favour of more affirming and objective language, arguing that labelling discrimination as 'perceived' legitimizes colour-blind racial ideology and tin serve to deny or uncertainty experiences of bigotry and racism (Banks, 2014). These critics hold that qualifying discrimination as perceived can dismiss and/or minimize the historical and contemporary interactions, events, policies, and institutional practices that take shaped and keep to shape the lived experiences and life chances of racially marginalized groups. As Banks (2014) states, employ of 'perceived bigotry' allows 'more room to advise that the human activity of discrimination was misunderstood, that it was unintended, or that the perpetrator did not mean to offend' (p. 312). It follows that labelling discrimination as 'perceived' can imply that the experience is imagined and 'all in i's head' taken farther, this labelling can condone the function of structures and institutions in patterning exposure to discrimination. In plough, critics argue, the use of the term 'perceived discrimination' places the burden of responsibility on the targets of discrimination to perceive, written report, and reply to the experience. The concern is that even the most well-intentioned researcher starting from this epistemological stand–point may be more inclined to suggest private-level interventions (eastward.g., stress management techniques) to cope with discrimination-related stressors, while simultaneously undervaluing the target'southward experienced reality and ignoring the social structures and institutional arrangements that create those realities. For instance, Black patients study experiencing racial bigotry within different social contexts of the healthcare system (e.grand., waiting room, doctor's function, in scheduling appointments, etc.; Cuevas et al., 2016; Hausmann et al., 2011). While the Institute of Medicine Report, 'Unequal Treatment', has provided compelling evidence of bias and differential treatment that support patients' reports of racial discrimination (Smedley et al., 2003), information technology still would accept been brusque-sighted for clinicians or social scientists to suggest individual-level interventions to address patients' perceptions of racial healthcare discrimination in lieu of structural- and institutional-level changes. For these reasons, some researchers prefer to use the term 'self-reported' discrimination, a term that tin validate and disambiguate a person's experience with discrimination. In using the term 'cocky-reported', researchers aim to place the burden of responsibility on the actors and social structures discriminating rather than the individual who is the target of discrimination. All the same, both 'perceived' and 'cocky-reported' discrimination map themselves at the individual-level and, therefore, are subject to the study of intrapersonal and interpersonal dynamics.

However, research shows that experiences of discrimination–regardless of whether the terms 'perceived' or 'self-reported' is used–depend on a host of intrapersonal and interpersonal factors, including immigration condition, socioeconomic factors, mood, personality, and past exposure to traumatic events (Assari & Caldwell, 2018; Sechrist et al., 2003, Sutin et al., 2016). This does non negate the occurrence of discrimination nor should it lead researchers to doubt to veracity of people'due south reports, but rather suggests that an individual's estimation of and response to exposures depend on a variety of factors, including personality, coping strategies, connections with members of one'southward ingroup, attitudes, self-esteem, emotional regulation, decision-making, and structural positions within a multifariousness of social systems. Studies evidence increased stressor-evoked action in the dorsal anterior cingulate cortex when individuals are exposed to discriminatory events. Chronic alterations in these regions are known to touch attention allocation, emotional regulation, and decision-making and increment the risk of disease (Lockwood et al., 2018). As such, 'perceived' or 'self-reported' discrimination–besides as the effects of that discrimination on health–vary depending on past exposure to bigotry and other forms of acute and chronic social stress. The recognition of the importance of perception is not limited to psychology or neurobiology. The stress process model, developed past sociologists including Leonard Pearlin, likewise acknowledges the disquisitional role of stress perception and appraisal and the mediating and moderating effects of coping resource and social supports in linking social stressors to health (Pearlin et al., 1981). Taken together, this work indicates that perception, indeed, matters in linking discrimination to wellness. In that location remains a express understanding of the intrapersonal and interpersonal factors that influence perception or self-reports of discrimination. Time to come enquiry could strengthen our understanding of how people procedure this social stressor.

Though less studied in wellness research, there is also a big and growing number of White Americans reporting anti-White discrimination (NPR et al., 2018; Norton & Sommers, 2011). Lower- and moderate-income Whites are especially likely to report that White Americans face up racial bigotry, particularly when applying for a job, heighten or promotion, or in the college-admissions process (NPR et al., 2018). Importantly, these reports of discrimination are inconsistent with the plethora of evidence showing tremendous White advantage across social, economic, and political spheres. So how practise we reconcile this? The lack of evidence of anti-White discrimination suggests that these reports reflect the group'southward perceptions of threat, including their fears of and anxieties about the nation's changing demographic composition, rather than whatever experience of institutional oppression or exclusion (Versey et al., 2019). Decades of scholarship document how Whites accept garnered tremendous social and material benefits through formal and informal, explicit and more covert discriminatory institutional policies and practices that have favoured Whites and excluded people of colour (Mendez et al., 2014; Roithmayr, 2014; Rothstein, 2017). To suggest that anti-White discrimination is indicative of systemic anti-White racism defies scientific evidence and logic. Nevertheless, the perception of discrimination by Whites may still be consequential. These perceptions serve as psychosocial stressors that can have deleterious health effects on individuals (Cuevas & Williams, 2018; D. R. Williams & Mohammed, 2009). These perceptions may shape out-group behaviours in of import–and potentially dangerous–means that are relevant to population health. As such, research examining anti-White bigotry can lay blank the geopolitical, social, and economic circumstances that cultivate perceptions of anti-White discrimination among Whites.

Further, noesis deriving from multidisciplinary studies of stress mediators and moderators can broaden our understanding of how discrimination contributes to existing health disparities through neurobiological, psychological, and social pathways that shape perception. In these ways, the term 'perceived discrimination' may exist applicative, as the epistemological underpinning of the term is that the meanings of social truths change according to social context and that past and gimmicky social contexts can affect time to come interpretations of events. Individual-level interventions within this telescopic (e.1000., promoting positive racial identity attitudes, elevating moods, improving conclusion-making) may not reduce perceptions or reports of discrimination but may assistance buffer the effects of discrimination on health. Indeed, effectual individual-level interventions have been developed to assistance individuals cope with the stress of racial discriminatory encounters. For example, the Engaging, Managing, and Bonding through Race (EMBRace) intervention aims at mitigating the mental and physical effects of racial discrimination exposure by bolstering racial socialization in Black children through the promotion of racial self-efficacy and self-worth, strengthening family bonding and relationships, and teaching stress-management techniques (e.g., journaling and relaxation methods; Anderson et al., 2019). Values affirmation interventions have shown effectiveness in tempering the deleterious health effects of discriminatory experiences by reinforcing an individual'south self-worth and enhancing their psychological resilience (Lewis et al., 2015). Together with structural interventions aimed at reducing discrimination, this line of research may provide insights into the evolution of interventions that identify vulnerable populations and mitigate the effects of bigotry exposure on wellness.

iv |. DISCRIMINATION OFTEN REMAINS LARGELY Subconscious FROM Individual VIEW

Importantly, information technology is essential for scholars, researchers, and practitioners to recognize that measures of self-reported and perceived bigotry exercise non comprehensively measure exposure to racial discrimination, specially, or racism, more than broadly, nor practice these measures identify the specific perpetrators or mechanisms of bigotry, which is essential from a policy and intervention perspective. For one, survey measures ask almost discriminatory experiences across a limited set of domains and are thus unable to capture the total range of discriminatory experiences individuals and groups encounter. Additionally, respondent reports of racial discrimination neglect to capture the times and places when bigotry occurs but is hidden, covert, or outside of the respondents' view. As Figure 1 illustrates, widely used measures of self-reported and perceived bigotry tend to preference interpersonal discrimination while largely ignoring more than macro-level forms of discrimination, including discrimination in the institutional, cultural, and structural spheres. Racial bigotry can be explicit, just it is too covert and largely invisible, operating in nuanced ways to produce differential treatment and outcomes inside and between racialized populations. For example, individuals may not ever be able to know that an employer or lender discriminated confronting them. Y. C. Paradies (2006) suggests that these and other systemic forms of racism are ofttimes not perceived by individuals who experience these phenomena. Farther, discrimination that occurred in the past too has consequences for the nowadays and future, shaping individuals' lives and well-being and perpetuating and exacerbating racial inequality in health and other outcomes in ways that may non be easily perceptible to individuals. The systematic erasure of Native Americans through genocidal and colonial policies and enduring invalidation, invisibilization, and set on on tribal sovereignty and homo rights are key drivers of existing morbidity and mortality disparities in American Indian and Alaska Native populations (Evans-Campbell, 2008; Findling et al., 2019; Glauner, 2001; Indian Wellness Service, 2013; Leavitt et al., 2015). Redlining practices by the Home Owner's Lending Corporation, the racially restrictive lending policies of the Federal Housing Authority in the years post-obit World State of war II, and felon disenfranchisement laws–which were designed in role to erode Black voting power–are also a few examples of historic discrimination that has cotemporary consequences on the socioeconomic standing and health of Black Americans (Small & Pager, 2020). For instance, studies have used the Dwelling house Mortgage Disclosure Act database to develop indices of racial bias in mortgage lending and redlining and found that racial bias in mortgage lending, in detail, was associated with poorer colorectal and breast cancer survival among Black women, only non among White women (Beyer et al., 2016; Zhou et al., 2017). Racialized disparities in policing and incarceration–which stalk from structural discrimination beyond institutional spheres–are linked to racial inequities in health and mortality (Boen, 2020; Edwards et al., 2019; Sewell, 2017) in ways that practise not depend on private reports or perceptions of discrimination. In these means, responses to survey questions of racial discrimination are just the 'tip of the iceberg' in terms of revealing the means in which discrimination shapes outcomes like health and how nosotros design interventions.

Depiction of cocky-reported/perceived discrimination existence a small, noticeable role of a much larger, more circuitous organisation of racism

In developing strategies for redressing the impacts of racial discrimination on population health, we can draw parallels with the three levels of affliction prevention strategies: primary prevention, secondary prevention, and third prevention. Main prevention strategies seek to limit the development of a disease or disability in salubrious individuals. Correspondingly, structural-level interventions–including legal, policy, and institutional changes–can exist used as principal prevention strategies to shift social norms, change institutional structures and organizational practices, and, ultimately, reduce exposure to hazard factors and ensure population-wide health and protection. Chief prevention strategies targeting structural racism and racial discrimination operate similarly in that they seek to protect and amend the wellness and social well-beingness of historically marginalized and oppressed groups through big-scale structural-level initiatives. These initiatives can aim to eliminate existing discriminatory policies and practices, redress the harms acquired by historical forms of bigotry, dispel cultural racism, and ultimately uplift the social, economic, and environmental conditions of the population by tending specifically to the needs of racially marginalized groups. Importantly, studies on the health impacts of structural racism can inform policy and intervention efforts in pursuit of these goals. Secondary prevention strategies aim to identify at-risk populations and implement strategies that can assist mitigate the onset of sickness and disease. While researchers work to execute effective primary prevention interventions aimed at eliminating structural racism and pursuing racial disinterestedness, it is also imperative to place those who are currently at loftier-risk of bigotry and implement targeted intervention efforts to reduce the brunt of these risks. A secondary prevention strategy targeting racial discrimination could focus on fostering positive racial identity and self-esteem among children of racially marginalized groups. Tertiary prevention strategies seek to aid individuals manage illness to wearisome or halt affliction progression. In the context of discrimination, this could include interventions that aid individuals cope with the stress of racial bigotry. Both macro-level and survey studies of racial discrimination can inform both secondary and tertiary prevention efforts by identifying at-risk or vulnerable groups and develop tailored intervention to prevent, decelerate, or stop the progression of affliction. While developing interventions aimed at dismantling structural racism is the best prevention strategy, a multi-pronged and coordinated approach is needed to comprehensively address the multiple pathways linking bigotry to wellness.

v |. CONCLUSION

It is difficult to firmly determine or parameterize the associations between self-reported or perceived bigotry and actual exposure to discrimination. Instead, scholars must acknowledge the limitations of measures of discrimination, both self-reported experiences and perceptions, in reflecting how racism–every bit a system of racial domination and oppression–differentially shapes access to opportunities, resources, and risks in both explicit and more covert ways. Responses to questions about discrimination experiences or perceptions, laboratory experiments involving exposure to racially hostile stimuli, and field experiments like audit studies each provides a glimpse into the role of discrimination in producing racial wellness inequities, but none is sufficient to fully capture what is a complex system of race bigotry, as shown in Effigy 1 (Reskin, 2012). All measures of self-written report discrimination, perceived bigotry, or discrimination within specific institutions or domains of life produce gross underestimates of the totality of ways that bigotry produces racial wellness inequities.

Racial categories (including White, Blackness, Latino, etc.) are socially and politically constructed–created and used to justify and maintain racism–which means that the racial disparities observed beyond domains of life reflect differential exposures to social, economical, and political atmospheric condition–too as differential furnishings of exposures–by race. In these ways, racial disparities in wellness reflect non just individuals' differential exposure to weather across the life class, but as well the historical and intergenerational transmission of racial advantage and disadvantage. Discrimination is non limited to detail points in fourth dimension or experiences within single institutions or domains. Instead, discrimination accumulates within and between domains and across private life spans, generations, and historical fourth dimension to produce racial health disparities. Equally such, documentation of racial disparities–in and of itself–provides testify of racism and discrimination, even if indirectly (Krieger, 2010).

Our goal is non to discount previous studies of discrimination and wellness that have used these terms interchangeably (we ourselves take committed these actions) or to requite preference to one set up of measures or terms over another. Rather, we want to describe much needed attention to the epistemological assumptions, meanings, and limitations underlying these terms and concepts. Each approach to measuring discrimination holds great utility in illuminating the impact of bigotry on health and wellness disparities. Each offers valuable insights into how discrimination operates every bit a psychosocial stressor and textile mechanism underlying racial disparities in wellness. Still, no arroyo to measuring discrimination can fully capture how discrimination works to produce racial disparities in wellness across time, space, and domains. Scientists and practitioners must be cognizant of and intentional in their measurement choices and language, as our framing of these processes volition inform policy and intervention efforts aimed at eliminating discrimination.

Footnotes

CONFLICT OF INTEREST

The authors accept declared that they accept no disharmonize of interest.

DATA AVAILABILITY Argument

No data were generated or analysed for this commentary.

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Source: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC8449795/

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